Showing posts with label Investing. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Investing. Show all posts

Thursday, 13 October 2022

Pension funds - irrational behaviour

OK, you are a pension fund. You have promised recently retired Mr Saver a lifetime annuity of £2,000 a year and to match this, you have just bought some long-dated UK gilts for £100,000 nominal at 2.5% nominal interest, i.e. you have guaranteed cash income of £2,500 until they mature, which hopefully covers Mr Saver for life. You trouser £500 as your mark-up and pay him the rest. You don't really worry what the residual value of those gilts will be in two or three decades' time - the market value will move back towards nominal value as they approach maturity.

(Or maybe you invested £80,000 nominal at 2.5% interest and pay him the whole £2,000 coming in, and trouser the residual value in two or three decades as your mark-up, same sort of thing.)

Because the fiscally reckless Tories* are in charge, the value of your gilts plummets to 70p in the £1 (giving a notional interest rate of 4% or whatever). So what? The £2,500 interest income (or £2,000 interest income) is fixed, Mr Saver's annuity is covered and there is nothing to worry about. When Mr Saver dies, you sell or keep the gilts, or maybe they mature before he dies and you pay his last few years' annuity out of the proceeds.

So why are pension funds selling off gilts like topsy? Did they invest current savers' money into gilts? That's a terrible idea, as they are not even going to keep pace with inflation, they should be investing in shares.

In the spirit of putting my money where my mouth is, I opened a Stocks and Shares ISA this morning and have chipped in £10,000 for some units in the Santander Sterling Gilt Fund at 211p per unit (or at least I hope I have done, it can take a while for this to go through). Let's see what happens...

* The popular notion that the Tories are fiscally prudent and Labour are fiscally reckless is pure Indian Bicycle Marketing, actually the reverse is true (historically and to the present day). Which is one of the reasons why I have concluded that what this country needs is a Labour national government and Tory local councils, who seem to ignore most of the meddling crap from the national government (they are reluctant to employ Tobacco Control Officers or impose 20 mph speed limits on country lanes) and just run actual necessary public services.

Monday, 9 November 2020

Covid-19 and share prices

From The Daily Mail:

'Stay at home' stocks Zoom, Amazon and Netflix all plunge after Pfizer announces its COVID-19 vaccine is 90% effective
* Zoom shares dropped by 15 percent in pre-market trading on Monday
* The video calling company saw a boost in March when millions of businesses switched to working-from-home
* Amazon and Netflix also saw jumps in their share prices at the start of the second quarter
* They also suffered on Monday while Pfizer's stock went up by 14.5 percent


Those bullet points sum up pretty much all you need to know. I assume that the share price of oil companies will also increase if the vaccine promises to be effective; petrol went down a couple of pence/litre after Lockdown 2.0 kicked in.

And, if you love a right-wing conspiracy theory, you can assume that Pfizer waited until it was fairly certain that Biden would win the election before they announced that their vaccine appears to work. If the vaccine actually works and it all goes live next year, Biden will take all the credit*. It would have really helped Trump if Pfizer had announced this a couple of weeks before the election. I've checked Twitter, and the usual loons are saying that Pfizer was getting revenge on Trump for this suggestion and/or that Bill Gates and George Soros own Pfizer and just wanted Trump out and 'their man' in.

* Like Ken Livingstone, who introduced hire bikes in London shortly before the end of his second term as London Mayor, His successor Boris Johnson expanded the scheme and persuaded people to call them 'Boris Bikes'.

Tuesday, 24 April 2018

"An early warning sign to help spot struggling UK retailers"

I spotted the headline in City AM and thought, oh dear, this will just be some puff piece about getting the right product mix, and glosses over the fact that landlords aren't dropping the rent fast enough, but no, she nails it:

The metric we use to assess this aspect of a retail business is called ‘fixed charge cover’.

If you felt moved to calculate this yourself, it is a company’s ‘EBITDAR’ (earnings before interest, depreciation, amortisation and rent) divided by total debt service costs (net interest and rental expenses).

At its heart, however, this ratio illustrates the ability of a business to service its debt and rental obligations. Our rule of thumb is that when a fixed charge cover [drops to] 2x or 2.5x, serious alarms bells start to ring.

Take a look at the following chart, which ranks a dozen of the UK’s household-name retailers by their fixed charge cover and also shows the total returns on their share prices over the last six and 12 months.

As you can see, there is a huge correlation here. All the companies with a fixed charge cover of less than two times have seen their share price fall by a half or more over the last 12 (and the last six) months.

Friday, 8 September 2017

So is this a gigantic ponzi scheme or am I being cynical and simplistic?

Blockchain data storage network Filecoin has officially completed its initial coin offering (ICO), raising more than $257 million over a month of activity.  Filecoin's ICO, which began on August 10, quickly garnered millions in investment via CoinList, a joint project between Filecoin developer Protocol Labs and startup investment platform AngelList. That launch day was notable both for the large influx of purchases of Simple Agreements for Future Tokens, or SAFTs (effectively claims on tokens once the Filecoin network goes live).
As I understand it, an ICO is where people pledge actual money and established cryptocurrencies like bitcoins for new, non-established cryptocurrencies or 'tokens' as they are sometimes called.  I'm told bitcoins can still actually be exchanged for cash, but I've never knowingly met anyone who has successfully done so.  One can buy and sell (but not sell short) these cryptocurrencies on unregulated exchanges like Bittrex, here's a screenshot:
There are about a couple of hundred cryptocurrencies / tokens one can trade / swap with likeminded counterparties now.  All the little ones can be traded like an fx pair against the more established bitcoin or ethereum.  If you would rather trade against the dollar you can, well kind of.  You see you can trade against the US Dollar Tether, here's the screen shot:
Tether is a cryptocurrency that is pegged to the US dollar, except the peg isn't actually guaranteed.  Tether Limited (based in Hong Kong) do guarantee that 'tethers' will be backed by an equal amount of US dollars, but they don't guarantee to exchange them for you should you want to 'cash out'.  Presumably the Hong Kong regulators keep a close eye on the activities of this unregulated firm trading predominately in the USA.  Bittrex appear to insist you play their markets using only cryptocurrencies, including the tether.
So it's kind of like a computer game then?  Users deposit their dollars or euros or yen, change it into their chosen token, then try to swap their tokens with other users with the aim of increasing the number of dollars (or tethers or bitcoins) in their account.  You can even remove your tokens and buy into an ICO with them.  As nobody can go short (and a few people who invented these cryptocurrencies or got in early have the bulk of chips) there really is no limit on how high the prices can get.  Even if a bitcoin is worth a million dollars, grotty students in their pjs can still buy in for ten bucks and receive 0.00001BTC.  It's just numbers on a screen that the players are bidding higher and higher.  Online Texas Hold-em is so last decade!
I think the price of a bitcoin - or any of these other cryptocurrencies - could very well go to a million dollars.  After all, it's just a closed system of folk (and 97% men apparently) trading imaginary tokens with one other and they all want the reference prices to increase.  I reckon as long as more actual money is flowing into cryptospace (and into that bank account in Hong Kong and into these ICO's) than out, the prices of bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies will continue to rise and increasingly the participants will become paper rich.  But what happens when a significant proportion of them become millionaires and can retire aged 24 or just rich enough to want to cash out some and buy a car or a house?  
Is this is an over-simplistic analysis?  Is it really cynical of me to suspect that the people on the other side of this trade (the people swapping the tokens for actual dollars and euros and yen) will decide they'd rather hang onto the cold hard cash thank you very much and switch off their exchanges?  The only alternative explanation I can see is that a massive revolution really is happening where so many people will change all their cash into bitcoins and refuse to take part in the consumer economy until the politicians, bankers and shops have no choice but to start accepting them?  Have I missed something?

Thursday, 13 October 2016

The 'bond proxies' - love 'em or hate 'em?

Whilst supermarket shareholders took a bath in 2013/2014, investors in branded consumable goods maker Unilever have doubled their money in the last five years.  Depressed margins from fierce competition have been widely blamed for the poor performance of the likes of Tesco.  Yet blue chip consumer non-cyclical companies - investments people are calling "bond proxies" in a word of 0% rates - just don't appear to be affected.  Unilever, and companies like it, trade on 25 times gross earnings, much like 'bricks and mortar' in London.

Given that the Lidl and Aldi sell very little branded produce, and consumers are switching to them in droves, it always struck me branded goods companys' margins would be next in line for a haircut.  So it comes as little surprise that troubled retailer Tesco have fallen out with the maker of Marmite:

"Reports suggest that Unilever ... has demanded steep price increases of around 10 per cent to offset the increased costs [from the fall in sterling] ... Products have disappeared from Tesco's website after the supermarket chain refused to accept the price increase ..."

Now if everyone refuses to accept the new price, and simply substitutes Colman's with a supermarket English mustard on their shelves - on sale at a third of the cost or less - how does this help Unilever?

Of course another reason the likes of Unilever became a darling stock of the big fund managers was the fall in the price of oil. If consumers are spending less at the pumps they can afford more branded ice creams went the thesis. With petrol prices in pounds on the up again the reverse must be true surely?

So do we dare sell short the 'bond proxies' or are they really going to the moon in a world of negative interest rates and fed up savers?

NOTE: This is a not financial advice or a solicitation to buy or sell securities but an article for academic interest and discussion.

Wednesday, 17 August 2016

Making sense of numbers (green c**p edition)...

The table below is the projected income statement from a 'community' hydro-electric project doing the rounds in Aberdeen.  Do have a glance at the whole prospectus here.

I checked the 7% claim by putting the payments schedule into an APR calculator and it checks out.  But the payments to investors are backloaded, the £500k share capital (the opportunity being promoted) is obviously being used to repay earlier backers.  They are in a hurry to get it commissioned before mid September when the FIT reduces by about two thirds or so.

Now I'm presuming the "£400,00" in column one is a misprint for "£400,000" and "£500,00" for "£500,000".  And I reckon the bank closing balance at the bottom of column one is supposed to say "£400,000" and not "£500,000" otherwise £100k just disappears.  So the typos, as careless as they are, aren't the issue.

I'm trying to work out what the 'scam' is, because it's bound to be a scam.  As far as I can see, this hydro thing is basically being 'flipped' onto members of public in the form of untradeable illiquid securities that promise to start paying out profitably in a decades time, once another tier of debt investors have been paid back, and once the FIT and leecy prices have grown at a compounded 2%/2.5%.

Anyone else?

Tuesday, 20 October 2015

"What does China own in the UK?"

The BBC article includes this handy chart:



As you can plainly see, most of this is not 'investment' in the productive sense, they are just buying up pre-existing streams of rental or monopoly income.

Thursday, 16 July 2015

Economic Myths: Share trading "encourages managers to think long-term"

From yesterday's City AM:

Long-term investment is critical for developing the intangible assets that are key to the success of the twenty-first century firm. Thus, locking in shareholders for the long term would seem sensible. So why did influential proxy adviser Institutional Shareholder Services, and major pension funds, vote against Toyota’s proposal [to pay higher dividends to 'long term investors'] ?

Because it’s not that simple. Short-term trading by investors need not equate to short-term behaviour by managers. Instead, short-term trading can be based on a firm’s long-term value, and thus encourage managers to think long-term.


Etc etc blah blah blah.

The article claims that 'short term trading' is just as good as 'long term investment' and is all well and good, but does not address the fundamental point: how are the unearned capital gains/losses made/suffered by people who buy, hold and sell shares of any benefit to the business? Why have traded shares in the first place? What about other forms of ownership?
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For sure, every business has to be owned by somebody i.e. it starts off with a bloke or three who have a bright idea, tap their friends and family for a few bob and start up. If they don't fail, over time, some employees might take a lower salary in exchange for a higher profit share and become co-owners; they might tap a wider circle of people for cash if they need to expand and those people have to be promised a return; they might be a 'people business' which is owned by senior employees (a partnership) or an idealistic workers' co-operative etc.

These are all examples of businesses whose shares are not freely traded. Partnerships are owned by the partners; unit trusts are owned by unit holders; most limited companies are private limited companies (and most of those are run as quasi-partnerships, are family companies or are actually sole traders).

MORE IMPORTANTLY, a business can be open for the general public to invest in without having quoted shares. For example, building societies are owned by depositors; the general public can easily invest in a building society by depositing money with it, there's no reason why this model can't be used for any other large business.

There is nothing to suggest that businesses are less successful if they do not have quoted shares. If this economic myth were true, no quoted business would ever have been 'taken private' again. And instead of banks going bankrupt and building societies surviving during the recession, it would have been the other way round.

Whoever owns the business will want the best out of the employees as a whole. That includes everybody from senior managers down to the lowliest shop floor worker. In a classic partnership, every partner keeps tabs on the others; the top performers get promoted or a bigger profit share, the under-performers get demoted or booted out. If one building society offers better rates than another, then depositors will move to it.
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What is infinitely more important than the share price is that shareholders have a vote (or did, until the boys in The City arranged things to sideline small investors. They are now enticed into giving their money to 'pensions funds' who'll do the voting for them, thank you very much).

It is shareholders at general meetings who have the power to sack directors (or did until the boys in The City etc, see above). If a shareholder votes management out, the management are out and shareholders (hopefully) win. If shareholders just dump their shares and cause the price to fall, then the shareholders are out and they lose.

So in real life, the share price only has an indirect influence on management behaviour, and this can be malign as much as benign (i.e. cooking the books, over-gearing, doing share buy-backs). It is or ought to be committed shareholders voting which have a positive influence on management.

And democratic decision making applies equally to all legal forms of business ownership, be it workers' co-operative, partnership, family-owned business, building society, whatever.

All these owners - however we label them - will be keen to see that they are getting the best return. If they are shareholders, they will waste oodles of time and energy tracking the share price, but if they own the business directly, they will only be looking at what really matters - current and future profits.
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The article yaps on about 'efficient allocation of capital' while cheerfully admitting that this does not happen.

However good or bad a company is doing, the % return on shares is pretty much the same for all shares, because share prices adjust accordingly. So the dividend yield on under-performing Car Manufacturer X ends up being the same as the dividend yield for top-performing Car Manufacturer Y. The real capital (the plant and machinery, the know-how) is tied up in X and will not and cannot migrate across from Y to X. X will gradually go bankrupt, that wealth will be lost.

But what if car manufacturers were owned by depositors, like building societies? If Car Manufacturer X is paying 5% return on cash invested and Car Manufacturer Y is paying 10%, then depositors will withdraw from X and deposit with Y. So X will have to sell off some assets (ultimately to Y) to be able to repay them. Y takes over those assets and puts them to better use. Capital is being efficiently allocated. Overall output, employment and profits go up. Hooray.

(As it happens, this is exactly how it works with unit trusts, in which the public can easily invest, long story).
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And it is output, employment and profits which really matter. As long as a business is producing something, employing somebody and creating a surplus, that is a good business (whoever owns it).

Share prices are a complete and utter irrelevance, play no part in the productive cycle and quite possibly damage it. Claiming that speculating in shares "encourages managers to think long-term" is almost as fatuous as claiming that the betting odds influence the outcome of a greyhound race. I doubt that even the maddest of mad statisticians would include changes in share prices in GDP, for example.

Monday, 9 June 2014

Question on pension myths

Dinero asked as follows at Economic Myths: Pensions (various myths):

Are you saying it is a financial error for anyone paying interest on a mortgage to simmultaneously pay into a pension? That seems a bit of a radical statement, not heard that before.

Basic rule of investing is that if you can get a better return on your investment than you pay for borrowing (adjusted for risk etc) then you should leverage up. If your investment returns are lower than the cost of borrowing, you should pay off debt first.

The mortgage interest rate is a fairly known figure; but the overall rate of return you will get on a pension fund, decades in the future, subject to the ravages of fund manager charges, with ever changing tax and regulatory rules etc. is a big unknown. You don't really need to worry about the (future) value of your house when making this comparison as that will be the same whether you pay off your mortgage or not.

So let us phrase the question thusly: would it be a good idea to do mortgage equity withdrawal and pay that money into your pension fund? In financial terms, that is exactly the same as underpaying your mortgage and paying more into your pension fund instead.

That was sort of the idea behind endowment mortgages and it didn't go particularly well (it didn't go that badly either in many cases, if truth be told).

Sunday, 1 December 2013

The supply and demand curve for "money" (2)

Continuing my post of last week, where I looked at the supply and demand curve down to about the interest rate which people are or would be prepared to borrow to spend on bricks and mortar, which is about 8%.


If we just look at this supply and demand curve, we observe that the net return to savers is pretty flat whoever the borrower is.

But there is something else dictating interest rates. There is a subtle difference between 'saving' and 'investing'. Basically, households 'save' and businesses 'invest'. (It is quite possible that household savings go into business investment, which is double plus good, but that is a overlap and not the main event).

The distinction is this: let's say a farmer normally harvest 52 units (weeks' worth) of food, exactly enough to see himself through the whole year. In a hypothetical good year he harvests an extra 20 units.

i. He can 'save' those 20 extra units by selling it to hungry people on credit, so when the harvest is not so good, he can call in the loan of food. He can also demand the payment of interest on that loan (he gets back more food than he lent out), so in future, he could, if he wished, consume an extra 2 or 3 units a year for the rest of his life, but that is only at the expense of the original borrowers, who have to make do with consuming 2 or 3 units less than otherwise.

ii. Or he can 'invest' that food by exchanging it for better implements, or by exchanging it with somebody who will improve his walls and drainage. In future, the farmer can now produce 2 or 3 extra units of food each year, but without anybody else having to consume less.

That is what drives the minimum interest rate which 'savers' will accept. If the farmer knew he could increase his future potential harvest by an extra 4 units a year by 'investing' 20 units this year, then a buyer on credit would have to offer to pay at least 4 units a year in interest before the farmer will consider 'saving' rather than 'investing', and so on.

(The problem is that savers cannot just invest in productive assets, because those are all monopolised by limited companies, so before savers can get a share of the profit from the underlying productive investment, they have to pay a ransom payment to an existing shareholder, which pushes up returns to existing shareholders at the expense of future shareholders and the economy in general, separate topic).

As we observed last week, the interest rate which people are willing to pay depends largely on how much they need to borrow, how quickly they need to spend the money, and how soon they hope to pay it back.

That all makes sense so far and the arrangement is to our overall benefit. Where it goes crazy is once interest rates drop below that rate of approx. 8%:

Broadly speaking, the descent into insanity goes in the following three stages, but the general rule is still that the further into the future the borrower's hoped for extra consumption will be, the lower the interest rate he is willing to pay:

1. If you can borrow money for less than 8%, then the lower interest rate just goes into higher land prices (rather than bricks and mortar), i.e. if you can rent a house for £6,400 (net of landlord's costs) and borrow at less than 8% to buy the building, you are happy to do so. But if you can borrow at (say) 5%, it is worthwhile paying/borrowing £128,000 (it still only costs you £6,400 a year), and that extra £48,000 just goes into the land monopoly black hole.

2. If people expect nominal land prices to continue to rise at a long term rate of 5% or more a year, then if you can borrow at less than 5%, it makes sense (on an individual level) to buy land for the sake of it (money into the LMBH), whether you need it or not, because you can realise a gain (more money into the LMBH) in future which will pay off the interest for you.

3. Because bankers seem to get paid according to the volume of loans they can make, rather than the bank's actual profit margin, bankers try to "grab market share" by lending out at very low rates (Bradford & Bingley, Northern Rock etc), the bank itself (the bankers' employers) make losses on such loans of course. It is no coincidence that the cumulative losses of all UK banks over the credit bubble decade were approx. equal to the total bankers' bonuses paid in those years.

None of these three stages are of any remote benefit to society in general or the productive economy as a whole, and are in fact incredibly damaging. They do not help people spread consumption over their lifetimes by borrowing/saving; they do not lead to any investment in productive capacity.

Bricks and mortar are of course productive capital if they are in the right place, but the land is not, and even it were, pushing up the price does not increase the amount available - and a society which believes that house price rises are A Good Thing tends to be a NIMBY society, so we end up with less productive capital (housing, factories and so on).

Why UK and other governments think it is a good idea to constantly nudge the economy towards these final three stages, and why so many people go along with this nonsense is a mystery to me.

Friday, 1 March 2013

Reply to Mark In Mayenne

Mark In Mayenne left a new comment on Surprisingly astute comment in The Daily Mail...

Help me out here Mark please.

If I have spare cash that I wish to invest, how is buying a house to rent out less productive than buying shares or gold or putting it in a bank account or whatever to store my wealth while I don't need it?

Thanks, Mark


If an "asset" already exists, then one person selling it to another (with the intention of collecting rent or capital gains*) does not add to the sum total value of human wealth by one penny, does it? And if you pack in your job (stop creating wealth) and become a BTL landlord (just collecting rents), then the total amount of wealth created goes down.  It's only people creating new stuff and exchanging it with other people's output that creates or adds to wealth.

So for that matter, buying shares or gold is not "productive" either. If you buy £20,000 of Volkswagen shares, then no wealth is created or added. If you want to spend your £20,000 on a new Volkswagen, then £20,000's worth of wealth will be created in response to that demand (the new car). Bank accounts are meaningless, it all depends on what the bank does with the money (do they use it for productive or unproductive lending?).

* Of course, part of the rent relates to actual services provided (maintaining and insuring the house, bearing certain risks such as damage or non-payment) and a capital gain might partly relate to improvement expenditure. That is not rent or capital gain for these purposes.

Sunday, 17 February 2013

Town Planning: The Developer's Decision

(This is all old hat to Lola, but it's worth restating the case for general consideration)

1. Let's imagine we are advising a tax-exempt, long term investor who wants to get into the (more or less untaxed) residential market (a pension fund or insurance company, for sake of argument), they have acquired/are thinking of acquiring empty Site 1 shown on this plan. Three neighbouring sites were used to build four semi-detached houses and two neighbouring sites were used to build blocks of ten flats. The white bits are roads and pavements. We are pretty confident that the local council will be happy to grant us planning permission for either four semi-detached houses or a block of ten flats:
So off we toddle to local estate agents and builders, and establish the following facts:
- it costs £75,000 to have a semi-detached house built, so £300,000 for four.
- it costs £500,000 to have a block of ten flats built.
- rents for flats are sixty per cent as much as rents for semi-detached houses, therefore, the gross rental income from ten flats is one-and-a-half times as much as the gross total rent from four houses.

We eagerly report back that it's much better to have the block of flats built... or is it?

The top dog at the investor's residential division says that they are happy to invest in land for a paltry return of 2%, because that is risk-free and always beats inflation but that there is a higher hurdle rate for construction costs - they have to show at least a 7% return.

So before he can make a decision on what to build or whether to build at all, he needs to know how much rent you can get for a house (the lower-risk option), and this is what swings the decision. If houses can only be rented out for £4,000 a year, then it is best to leave the site vacant; if houses can be rented out for £6,000 a year, then building houses is worth doing and building flats is marginal; if houses can be rented out for £8,000 a year, then building flats is the better option (better option is bold underlined):


2. So far so good.

It turns out that houses rent for £8,000 and flats for £4,800 so building the block of flats is the better option. The same investor has now acquired/is thinking of acquiring Site 2 across the road, which has four houses on it with sitting tenants paying market rent, and again asks us for advice:

We check our earlier workings and report back that building flats is the better option... or is it?

The top dog explains to us that this time we have to do a marginal calculation. The rental income from the four existing houses is money in the bank; we have to compare the additional rental income you can get from the flats with the cost of demolishing the four houses, getting the planning, getting rid of the sitting tenants (call it £50,000) and building the flats (£500,000, as above). So if houses rent for £8,000 a year each, the extra £16,000 income you can get from the flats is less than the required return on construction costs of £38,500. Even if the houses rent for double that amount, £16,000 each per year, it is not worth doing.

It is only if Site 2 is in a very high rent area and the houses rent for £24,000 each and flats for £14,400 each that it is (just about) worth knocking down the houses and building a block of flats:


3. Bonus round: would the optimum decision be any different if we had full-on LVT on residential land?

No of course not.

With Site 1:
- if houses rent for only £4,000 a year, the LVT is £zero.
- if houses rent for £6,000 a year, the optimum use is four houses, so the LVT would be [just under] £3,000 a year for the site. So houses are worth building, flats aren't.
- if houses rent for £8,000 a year each and flats for £4,800 each, the optimum use for the site is flats and the LVT is [just under] £13,000 a year. So flats are worth building, the houses aren't.

With Site 2:
- if houses rent for £8,000 or £16,000 a year, the extra rental income (most of which would flow to the council as higher LVT) is less than the required return on investment (£38,500) so investor and council taken together would be worse off by re-developing. The investor doesn't even bother applying for change of planning permission.
- if houses rent for £24,000 each, the extra rental income earned by re-developing (£48,000 a year) is marginally more than the required return on construction costs (£38,500), so investor and council between them would be better off (and people looking for flats would be better off) if the houses were replaced with flats.

But the LVT would go up by £34,000 a year, so the developer would end up £24,500 a year worse off by developing. So the investor/developer is in a good bargaining position with the council and can ask for a cash contribution towards the building costs of (say) £400,000.

As a result of this, the investor/developer's extra income per year is £48,000, his extra cost of capital is £10,500 [7% x [£550,000 minus £400,000]] and his extra LVT is £34,000. He ends up £3,500 a year better off. In return for the £400,000 cash contribution, the council receives £34,000 extra LVT and gets its money back within twelve years. Or instead of making a cash contribution to tip a marginal decision in the right direction, the council could exempt the site from LVT for four years from the date that the last tenant leaves the existing houses, or something like that.

Monday, 4 February 2013

... or investors could just invest directly in businesses.

From City AM:

But banks warned that hanging this [empty] threat over the industry cannot be good for long-term prosperity.

"This will create uncertainty for investors, making it more difficult for banks to raise capital which will ultimately mean that banks will have less money to lend to businesses," said Anthony Browne, chief of the British Bankers’ Association.

"What banks and business need is regulatory certainty so that banks can get on with what they want to do, which is help the economy grow. This decision will damage London’s attractiveness as a global financial centre."


The added irony being that of all bank lending, less than ten per cent is to "businesses", ninety per cent of it is mortgages secured on land.

Tuesday, 19 June 2012

Are there enough 'Investments'?

A comment posted by, I think, Bayard in response to an earlier post by Mark got me thinking.  Basically we were discussing pensions and funding and Bayard (I think) made the point that to have 100% money purchase schemes was impractical because there were not enough suitable investments to go round.

This doesn't seem right to me on the basis that 'supply creates its own demand'.  Now it could be that a huge demand for paper securities of all sorts pushes up their price level, but surely this will simply make it more likely that more people will wish to list their businesses as the 'price' to them is lower.  Or more bonds will be issued, say.  Furthermore Governments will be able to fund more of their borrowing from real savings.

Of course I am assuming that we have a such a thing as 'sound money' and that all other things are equal and not wildly distorted by political meddling and mis-regulation.

Anyway, what do you think?

UPDATE: Spot the error? I didn't include land rents in the available investments!

Wednesday, 2 May 2012

How to encourage inward investment

From City AM:

BOLIVIA followed in Argentina’s protectionist footsteps yesterday as it nationalised a local unit of Spain’s Red Electrica, blaming a lack of investment in the country.

Saturday, 28 April 2012

Economic Myths: The value of shares is "capital"

First things first: I am in favour of free market economics, capitalism, private ownership of businesses and so on. The cheerleaders for rent-seekers in The City keep pushing the propaganda that the only way to achieve this is by having companies owned by shareholders, and the shares to be traded on The Stock Exchange:

That was obvious during the privatisation of British Telecom in 1984. Only a few thousand people in the UK owned shares. Downing Street aides figured that, to sell an £8bn company like BT, people would need educating. They visited the stock exchange to discuss circulating a leaflet. The stock exchange folk suggested printing perhaps 5,000. It was shockingly complacent: the government side had in mind a first run of 1,000,000 – with more to follow.

It is because of Big Bang, and the privatisation that it was able to bear, that we now have not thousands, but millions of shareholders with a real stake in the UK. That led to a huge change in attitudes towards business, and turned us, for the first time, into a capital-owning democracy.

Meanwhile, London bounced back as the world’s top financial centre. True, many City firms were snapped up by foreign firms, including many Americans who enjoyed looser regulation here than in the US. But the key for any industry, not just finance, is not who owns it but where the jobs and value are being created. Big Bang ensured the answer was – London...

People say Big Bang created a “loadsamoney” culture that persists today. No. (big fat lie - see point 11. below) It simply allowed more people to exploit new opportunities and profit from them.


This is lies and propaganda from start to finish. All of this could have been achieved much more efficiently without companies issuing shares. The far better way would have been to adopt the building society funding model.

1. The 'assets' side of any business is what it is: buildings, plant, machinery, stocks, patents and goodwill and so on, that would remain unchanged but there is no need for the net assets of the business (after deducting liabilities and borrowing) to be split up into shares and for those shares to be owned/freely traded by investors. It is far more transparent and efficient if the net assets are financed by deposits.

2. Taking AstraZeneca at random (being the first company on the list of FTSE 100 constituents where most people would have a vague idea of what they actually do), it has a market capitalisation of £34 billion, divided into 1.27 billion shares worth currently £26.80 each. The LSE page for AZN publishes infinite amounts of detail about how the share price has changed, like the fact that those shares have fluctuated between £24.54 and £32.18 over the last 52 weeks - but nowhere does it mention the company's actual results or link to the company's financial statements.

3. If AZN were funded by deposits instead, there would be no need for any of this. The total deposits would add up to whatever AZN's shareholders' funds/reserves happen to be, which we can find out from their most recent accounts, which is $21.7 billion.

4. So if AZN were funded/owned by deposits/depositors instead of shares/shareholders:
* each shareholder would be credited with just over $17 for each share he owns and that $17 would be a very stable figure.
* That is your share of the real capital.
* The difference between the £17 (£11) per share real capital and the share price of £24 or £32 is not real capital, it is just random transfers of wealth which serve no purpose whatsoever, do not represent real wealth and certainly do not help to finance it (if anything, it does the reverse).
* The results for the first quarter of 2012 shows profits of $1.76 billion, which is a return of 8 cents for every $ invested.
* There would be no need for the directors to have a separate dividend policy, all that happens is that for every $1 you have on deposit, 8 cents is credited to you as your quarterly profit share.

5. If you are confident that AZN will continue to do well (compared to its peers) you put money on deposit with them ('buy'); or you leave your deposit + profit share untouched ('hold'); if you need cash, you can withdraw as much of your deposit + profit share as you like ('sell').

6. Sure, there may be short-term situations triggered by a bit of bad news when too many people rush to withdraw, in which case the directors can announce a freeze or limit on withdrawals, or levy a penalty charge on withdrawals, so for every $1 on deposit, you can withdraw 80 c and the other 20 c are forfeit, until the matter is resolved or the business is broken up and/or sold, but this is no worse than when trading in shares is suspended. And it is certainly far better to have invested $17 directly into AZN a few months ago and now to have $18 or $19 on deposit, than it is to have bought shares second hand for £32 which are now worth only £27

7. The upsides of this form of funding/ownership are that investors would pay a lot more attention to what really matters: actual profits, cash flows and net assets.

8. This is what leads to the most efficient allocation of real capital (buildings, machinery, patents etc). If another pharmaceuticals company is earning quarterly profits of 10 cents per $, then some people will withdraw money from AZN and deposit it with that other company. To finance these withdrawals, AZN will sell off or shut down its less profitable operations until the residual return on its core activities goes back up to 10 cents and it all evens out.

9. And none of this needs thousands and thousands of analysts and middlemen to manage people's savings, all creaming off their percentages. When you are deciding where to invest your savings, you just scan down the list of companies and look for those with the highest returns; assuming that most companies in each sector show similar returns, you then just spread your risk by depositing small amounts with lots of different companies to achieve diversification.

10. This would also be good for employee ownership. Instead of people earning money and then investing in shares directly, or more likely indirectly via pension funds or unit trusts etc, with all the costs, random transfers of wealth and lack of transparency, your employer could set up a deposit account for each employee and pay their salary into that (debit salary/expense, credit deposits). If you want to draw your whole salary each month, then do so. If you like the idea of taking a stake in your employer, you just draw a bit less and roll the balance forward.

11. "That all sounds splendid, Mr Wadsworth," the audience shouts "so where's the catch?" The catch is exactly the "loadsamoney" culture which the City cheerleaders deny exists. If AZN were depositor funded, it would only be a matter of time before some bright financial wizard came along and told depositors that they could make a fantastic windfall gain by converting to share capital: for every $17 (£11) you have on deposit, you will be given a shiny new share which you can sell for £27, no questions asked.

There would be no change to the net present value of the business, or of your stake in the business, but instead of you having to wait patiently for $5.44 cents (£3.40) to be added to your deposit of $17 (£11) each year, you would be able to take the next four-and-a-half years' worth of dividends all in one go (4.7 x £3.40 = £16, plus your £11 deposit = £27) by simply selling one share. Which is tantamount to saying that whoever buys your share has to wait four-and-a-half years until he actually breaks even again, and if that's not a "get rich quick" scheme I don't know what is.

12. I am still mulling over quite which policies a government could adopt to encourage all this. The knee-jerk response would be to simply retain corporation/income tax on the profits of businesses with publicly quoted/traded share capital and to abolish it for all other types of business (sole traders, partnerships, LLPs, depositor-funded, family-owned private limited companies etc), of course plc's would be free to convert to depositor-funded status if they so wished for no penalty; the shareholders just have a toss up between a higher net income in future or hanging on to their windfall gain now. The only tricky bit is how to deal with UK operations of foreign plc's, that's where you either get awful distortions or stupid loopholes.

Friday, 6 April 2012

More savings myths debunked

1. The point of saving

When people talk about "saving" it's usually in warm and glowing terms and while holding out a hand for subsidies, but as ever, they are only looking at one half of the equation, i.e. the "not spending" and "building up assets" bit. The point of saving is not to build up assets, and saving still makes sense even if you get no investment returns at all. Saving still makes sense even if high inflation/low interest rates are eroding the value of your savings.

The point of saving is actually to spread consumption over time, and more than that, it's about maximising the value of consumption to yourself*. You could, if you wanted, take your monthly salary and go on a three day festival and then live like a pauper for the rest of the month, but most people find that they are happier if they spend (or consume) roughly the same amount every day or every week.

The same applies on the level of a lifetime, there will be times when you dis-save (when you're not earning money - by spending your savings or getting into debt) and there will be time when you save (by earning money and putting cash to one side or paying back debt). From the point of view of each individual, the ideal net savings minus dis-savings ratio over a lifetime is precisely nil (even better is to die in debt, but you'd have to time it right).

There is also the point that, apart from land prices in a Home-Owner-Ist system, most things get cheaper over time. If you wanted to buy a PC for £2,000 in the early 1990s but could only afford to save £10 a month, it would not have taken you 200 months to save up, because after 100 months, the price of a PC fell to £1,000. And you started saving up £10 a month towards a PC ten years ago, it would actually only have taken you 50 months to save up for an even better PC which by then only costs £500.

So when politicians wail on about the UK's low savings rate, they are missing the point. If the ideal net savings ratio for any individual over a lifetime is nil, then the ideal aggregate for the whole population, some of whom will be saving and some of whom will be dis-saving at any one point in time is also nil.

* The fancy terms used by economists is "marginal utility of consumption", people (usually) get the most happiness from the first few units they consume of anything and it gets less and less after that. If you like apples and spend £2 a week on a bag of nice apples, that's because eating one apple a day gives you (more than) £2's worth of happiness a week. But you would not spend £2 a day on them and force yourself to eat half-a-dozen every day. That would give a lot less than £2's worth of happiness a day.

Another way of looking at it is that rich people get much worse value for money. Instead of spending £8 a month on bags of supermarket apples, they might buy a single apple from a special Fair Trade farm run by African orphans of land-mine victims. Yes, this special apple might taste a bit nicer than yer supermarket apple (and give you the warm glow of righteousness), but only a bit.

In the same way, you can buy a perfectly usable second-hand car for about £2,000; for £20,000 you can buy a new one, which smells nicer, uses a bit less petrol and has all sorts of gadgets in it; and if you spend £200,000 you can get something really fancy (but probably completely impractical). But somehow I doubt that the man across the road gets a hundred times as much happiness from his Lamborghini than I do from my Mark II Golf.

2. Saving is not the same as investing

If we assume a clear split between 'households' and 'businesses' (there isn't of course, but it makes thinking about it easier), the reason why households and individuals save is to spread consumption over time. The ideal overall 'savings ratio' is nil. Of course, if you can earn interest on your savings (or any other investment return), that increases the amount that you can consume over your lifetime, so hooray. But the extra consumption you can afford because of investment income is a bonus and not a feature.

When businesses invest, this has the specific purpose increasing future production capacity, by and large, most of this is (or could be) paid for out of retained profits. The ideal 'investment ratio' for businesses is hitting the correct trade off between e.g. spending £1 billion on making 100,000 cars a year using the existing production line, or spending £1 billion on a brand new production line which is more efficient and can be used to manufacture 150,000 cars every year in future once it's finished.

That is real 'investment', there is no such thing as a negative production line. But when you buy shares in that car manufacturer in the hope that the decision to build the new production pays off, this is something quite different, assuming that the production line was paid for out of retained profits anyway; if you buying shares is 'investing' then whoever sold you the shares is clearly 'dis-investing', and this is not net investment in anything.

3. Home-Owner-Ism is anti-saving

As we have established before, taking out a large mortgage early in life in order to live in the largest possible house is not saving; it is dis-saving (running up debts is the opposite of saving). Living in a larger house, compared to living in a smaller house, is not saving, it is consumption. For sure, paying off a mortgage is a type of saving, but even better is to take out a smaller mortgage and to pay it off more quickly; once paid off, the extra spare cash you have which you no longer need to pay off the mortgage can be used for real saving.

There is also the wealth illusion. The Homeys believe that when land prices go up, they are getting richer, so they save less and do mortgage equity withdrawal. They are consuming more now in the hope that whoever buys the house from them will pay a much higher price, in other words, they are hoping that future generations will save even less.

As we see, the savings ratio drops when house prices are rising and recovers when house price bubbles pop again:Data from the ONS.

For sure, part of the reason why the savings rate jumps during recessions is because people tighten their belts, but what if house prices stayed low and stable? Then people wouldn't be able to do mortgage equity withdrawal (which is quite clearly dis-savings) and which adds about six per cent to people's disposable incomes (i.e. increases consumption) during house price bubble years: Chart from Duncan's Economics Blog.

Sunday, 11 March 2012

On the futility of tax breaks for pension schemes

I know I've posted on this before, but I had to write an article on this today (I'll tell you if and when it's published) and so here are the up-to-date figures:

1. HMRC's Table 1.5 gives the net figure after deducting income tax withheld from pensions in payment as £18.9 billion and the PPI's Pension Facts Table 29 gives us the figure for income tax deducted from pensions in payment as £8.4 billion, so total income tax relief gross is £27.3 billion.

2. HMRC's Table 1.5 also gives us the value of National Insurance (NI) contracted out rebates as £9.3 billion and NI relief for employer contributions as £8.2 billion. The figure for NI relief for employee's contributions must be about 12/13.8 x £8.2 billion = £7.1 billion, so total NI relief is £24.6 billion.

3. You could argue that the £8.4 billion tax on pensions in payment (i.e. annuities) should be deducted, but in the absence of pension scheme tax breaks, income tax would only be applied to the interest element, so in today's low interest environment, it would be negligible.

4. ONS Pension Trends, Chapter 8, Figure 8.12 tells us that total contributions to funded pension schemes are about £86 billion a year. Assuming that's the net cash contributions and the £51.9 billion income tax/NI reliefs are on top, the average value of the tax relief is 38%.

5. If we work backwards from the £8.4 billion income tax deducted at an average rate of 20% from annuities, total annuities being paid out are £42 billion.

6. So that's £137.9 billion going in every year and £42 billion coming out, leaving us a missing figure of £95.9 billion - this must either be going into higher pension funds values (it isn't - see 8); being lost on the Stock Exchange (probable) or being soaked up in fees, charges, commissions and other profits of the pensions "industry" (definitely).

7. There is - unsurprisingly - no official figure for the total fees and charges of the pensions "industry". The Daily Mail quoted a shock-horror report saying that total fees were £67 billion a year, which seems on the high side, so let's round that down to £50 billion a year (2.5% per annum on assets under management of about £2,000 billion). A report by Consumer Focus (see page 12) said that fees and charges reduced the final value of private pension schemes by 40%, i.e the entire average 38% value of the tax relief was soaked up in full by the providers.

8. So that leaves us net cash inflows to pension schemes of £45.9 billion a year.

PPI's table 28 tells us that the total value of assets (mainly quoted shares) in pension funds went up from £1,560 billion in 2003 to £2,120 billion in 2010. Simply investing £1,560 in the FTSE 100 back at its low point in 2003 and reinvesting dividends (assume 4% yield) for seven years would have built up a fund of £2,052; the FTSE 100 index went up by (say) 20% so that's £312 capital gain; and had you invested another £45.90 every year for seven years you'd have contributed another £321, so a very rough and ready calculation says there ought to be +/- £2,685 in your fund now for every £1,560 in 2003.

That expected +/- £2,685 billion is only £2,120, so £565 billion has simply gone missing over seven years, or £81 billion a year over and above the £50 billion fees and commissions mentioned in 7.

Sunday, 19 February 2012

Savings Myths

This general set of related topics was suggested by Chef Dave in a comment to my recent post on why the Multiplier Effect is a load of nonsense. We know that politicians love waffling on about "encourage people to save" or bemoaning a "low savings ratio" and so on in order to justify all manner of counter-productive policies, but what on earth does this mean in practice..?

1. First of all you have to decide for yourself what "savings" really are, or what the point of doing it is, and whether "savings" is not an aim in itself but merely the result of "people and businesses behaving rationally", in which case, there is no need for a government to do anything to "encourage saving" and it is quite sufficient to simply get rid of all the policies which discourage people and businesses from acting rationally.

2. Secondly, you have to decide how to measure "savings" or "the savings ratio" and if it cannot be done, then it would be impossibly to judge the success or failure of any policies designed to "encourage savings" in the first place. As far as I can see, the most important thing is looking at the actual substance of savings, wealth and investments in general, which i will lump together as SWIG for sake of a better word.

3. True SWIG is the actual productive capacity of the whole economy, taking public and private sector, businesses, households and individuals together. If businesses become more profitable, if output, employment and wages go up, then this is an increase in SWIG. We can argue the merits of the constituent parts, what is better - higher employment at lower wage rates or lower employment at higher wage rates? What is better - higher business profits or higher wages? But this level of detail is best left to market forces and are difficult to measure anyway - for example, does the income of a self-employed person count as 'profits' or 'wages'?

4. A fair measure of the total productive capacity are 'macro' things like GDP, or GNP if you want to subtract net imports. Of course these include 'made up figures' but as long as they are prepared consistently then an increase is good and a fall is bad. Employment and total wages can also be measured reasonably accurately, but quite what the level of unemployment is depends largely on how you define unemployment.

5. GDP and suchlike measures merely measure the flow or creation of wealth over a month or a year, and not the stock of SWIG at a fixed point in time. Is there any reliable way of measuring the actual stock of SWIG at any one point in time? To my mind, it is nigh impossible, or requires so many judgment calls as to be meaningless:

a. Total market capitalisation of companies, i.e. the market value of shares in issue and outstanding debt is unreliable, because share prices fluctuate a lot for reasons other than underlying profits, for example if profits go down by a tenth but interest rates fall by a fifth, then share and bond prices might still go up.

b. Land values (above and beyond bricks and mortar) are irrelevant, as they merely represent capitalised value of the future transfers of wealth from productive economy to land-owners, so for every £ in the selling price of land, there is a latent liability on everybody else to pay £1 in future. One man's gain by 'investing in land' may make sense on an individual level is less than the other man's loss on a macro-level. The value of bricks and mortar is not that reliable either. Although replacement cost can be measured, there are plenty of houses built which end up being worth less than what they cost to build, as happens when a land price bubble bursts (see ghost estates in Ireland, Spain, USA) or if you build a new house in an area prone to flooding or subsidence.

c. Cash in the bank is unreliable, it merely represents a claim on the bank's total assets, so we have to look through to how the bank has lent that money (or how the bank lent money to give rise to the deposits), which in turn gives the bank part-ownership of the assets of the borrower. If it was lending to productive businesses, then it would be sufficient to look at the income and assets of the borrowing businesses, if it is lending on (inflated) land values then this is not real wealth at all.

d. Money invested in government bonds or the future value of a public sector worker's pension is offset by an equal and opposite liability on the taxpayer, so that's meaningless, and because the recipient applies a higher discount rate to the likely receipt (uncertainty) than the payer applies to the liability (prudence), we actually end up with a net negative.

e. It is meaningless just to look at the assets of private sector businesses without looking at the corresponding assets of households. So if a hotel has TV sets in all of its rooms, or a launderette has washing machines, or a delivery company owns cars, those are worth no more or less than the TVs, washing machines and cars owned by private households. And how do you measure the value, even if you could count them all up? Replacement cost, value in use, depreciated cost, selling value? All these measures give quite different values.

6. Then we have the point that there is a fixed amount of SWIG (even though we have no real idea what it is worth in £'s at any one point in time), albeit hopefully growing at 3% or 4% a year, and that growth is simply down to businesses becoming more efficient or specialised as we get clever and cleverer in what we do. So that growth will happen anyway, who ends up owning it is a secondary issue.

7. On an individual level, of course any individual can be a net cash saver or a net cash borrower. It would be quite possible for every individual to have a small positive level of cash savings if the other side of the equation is a loan by the bank to a productive businesses (see 5c. above). This equation is self-correcting as regards productive investment - if everybody wants to save, then interest rates go down so more businesses can start up, or interest rates are so low that fewer people want to save.

If people's total cash in the bank is above and beyond that level required to fund true SWIG, then the chances are that the excess has merely gone into inflated land values or inflated share prices. Unfortunately, these bubbles become self-sustaining for a while, because people think that capital gains alone will pay off the interest, which is impossible in the long run (see 5 b.), and this all reduces total SWIG.

8. Further, the ideal savings ratio for any individual over his or her lifetime is precisely zero, by all means, borrow to finance your education or buy a house; then pay off those debts as fast as you can; then build up a surplus for a rainy day or retirement, but from a certain age, you maximise your own utility by spending it all again, because you can't take it with you. Unless it gives you greater happiness in your old age to give money to your children and grandchildren, which is an emotional thing, not an economic thing.
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Having established all that, let's have a detailed look at some of the savings theories and counter-productive policies doing the rounds:

8. The Austrian Theory of The Business Cycle "emerges straightforwardly from a simple comparison of savings-induced growth, which is sustainable, with a credit-induced boom, which is not."

There is no need for anybody to make a conscious decision to "save" to kick start anything. Underlying all this SWIG is the rational impulse of an entrepreneur to make more profits in future than he does today. Sometimes this involves spending money he has saved up, or working unpaid for himself, or persuading others to work for the business for low wages in exchange for getting a share in the business. Even if the entrepreneur borrows money from the bank, this is just a long-winded way for people who work for other employers reducing their disposable income in exchange for a share of profits in his business. (The same logic applies to studying or apprenticeships - lower wages or even running up debts for a few years in exchange for much higher wages in future. Employees are just entrepreneurs with only one customer - their employer.)

I would heartily agree with them that credit-induced booms are not sustainable, but they have a blind spot when it comes to describing the flip side of the credit induced boom - inflated land prices, and the obvious way of preventing those booms - shifting taxes from incomes to land values is anathema to them.

9. The Paradox of Thrift: "The narrow claim transparently contradicts this assumption [that what is true of the parts must be true of the whole], and the broad one does so by implication, because while individual thrift is generally averred to be good for the economy, the paradox of thrift holds that collective thrift may be bad for the economy.

Yes, it would be true that if all private households tried to spend as little as possible, the economy would soon collapse to a mere subsistence level. To some extent this effect explains recessions - when people are worried for the future, they spend less, so some businesses go out of business, then people get more worried etc in a vicious circle.

Further, it's easy to imagine that private households save by leaving cash in the bank (which is not really saving, on a macro level) but what about businesses? For them, real saving is reinvesting profits in greater capacity, so goods and services get cheaper until all but the parsimonious can no longer resist buying stuff, and under the 'paradox of thrift', business wouldn't be investing at all they would be running down plant and machinery, shedding staff and hoarding cash - does this count as saving or as dis-saving?

Finally, this paradox is never going to happen in practice, we are in the worst recession/depression since the 1930s but in most countries, GDP is only down five or ten percent (the same as in the 1930s). So any suggested solutions to the 'paradox' is tilting at windmills, we might as well devote the whole of our economy to dealing with the possible effects of the impact of a massive meteor (or climate change or something equally unlikely).

10. Some take this faintly silly argument to a dangerous conclusion: "Keynesians [who know little of what Keynes actually said, he was far more nuanced that this] argue that a liquidity trap means fiscal policy becomes very important for getting an economy out of a recession... The argument is that the rise in private sector saving needs to be offset by a rise in public borrowing. Thus government intervention can make use of the rise in private saving and inject spending into the economy. This government spending increases aggregate demand and leads to higher economic growth."

That site gives the monetarist counter argument to that. To my mind it's nonsense anyway.

a. There are things which only the government can do (such as overriding the interests of NIMBYs and other vested interests), some of these things are always worth doing, some are never worth doing. Some of these projects might not make sense when labour costs are high but might make sense during a recession when labour costs are lower, and contractors are willing to accept lower prices, but that's just common sense.

b. Doesn't this trample all over the freedom of the individual to save? What's the point in saving if the government is running up debts on your behalf - in the current context, by taking wealth from cash savers and transferring it to borrowers (land speculators and banks), which reduces SWIG.

c. Further, people worry a lot about large government deficits, so even if the government could find stuff worth spending money on (and they can't, we are way past that point), this extra worry might make people save even harder, thus exacerbating things under the Paradox of Thrift - see 9.

11. Then we have politicians wailing on about the savings ratio, a high savings ratio is seen as A Good Thing, this is more bunkum

a. The politicians have contradicted themselves completely by first wailing on about the Paradox of Thrift and using it to justify deficit spending and then trying to encourage saving at the same time. Even more bizarrely, they justify deficits by saying that it makes it easier for the private sector to save (do they want them to do so or not?) if the public sector is running up debts, it's perfectly circular non-logic.

b. The charts in Tutor2U (1980 - 1999, see previous link) and the chart here (1987 to 2009) show that the savings ratio is merely the mirror image of credit/land price bubbles. So if you want people to save (in the sense of genuine savings i.e. genuine increases in SWIG), the best thing is to prevent credit/land price bubbles (see 5b.).

c. Those charts mainly show the level of cash savings, which are in themselves an unreliable measure of real savings, i.e. real increases in SWIG (see 5c.). If you want to measure real SWIG, there are far better ways of going about it (i.e. to look at real GNP, or GDP minus net imports).

12. Then we have politicians wailing that people should be "encouraged to save", which all sounds very motherhood-and-apple-pie but leads to more nonsensical policies.

a. Some people will save anyway, some people (and i am one) will always try to restrict their spending to less than what they earn for fear that one day they will earn less. Some people will never save, regardless of the incentives. There is a small minority who wouldn't bother saving but for the incentives. These incentives are hugely expensive and incredibly badly targeted (they only affect the behaviour of the small minority and incentives paid to those who would have saved anyway are a waste of money). Finally, who pays for these incentives? Not the savers, but the non-savers. So this means that non-savers have even less money left over which they could save; and the small minority who "save" might not be net savers at all, they might just underpay their mortgage to take advantage of the incentives.

b. Tax arbitrage wipes out most of the gains to savers. Interest earned on cash in an Individual Savings Account is exempt from tax. Well big deal, all that happens is that banks offer lower interest rates on ISA accounts. The same larceny applies on a grand scale with pension funds. By and large, the return which a basic rate taxpayer gets by chipping post-tax income of £x into stocks and shares every month, or into a cheap tracker fund, will give him the same net-of-tax income in retirement (but with a lot more flexibility) as chipping in £x to an official pension fund.

c. There's a limited pool of SWIG for people to invest in. The total dividends paid out by UK plc's last year was £65 billion. The main asset of UK pension funds is shares, so the main source of income for pensions is dividends. There are 12 million people of pension age in the UK, so even if they'd all diligently saved into private pensions, then for every pensioner who gets a private pension of more than £5,400 a year, there's somebody who's getting less. These glossy adverts by private pensions companies which suggest that we can all have a super-comfy lifestyle in retirement are clearly bunk. For every couple who does, another couples can't, it's that simple. It's as insane as the Home-Owner-Ist idea that we can all be landlords and live off rental income, or that buying land is "investing".

13. Successive UK governments simply can't make up their tiny minds whether they want to encourage or discourage pension saving. As Iain Duncan Smith (the current welfare & pensions minister) points out in that second article, spending more taxpayers' money on a means-tested type of old age pension (Pensions Credit) actively discourages lower income people from saving up, because every £1 extra private pension (or investment income) they get means £1 less taxpayer-funded pension. So a good place to start is to have a non-means tested Citizen's Pension and leave people to their own devices if they want more than that.

14. Finally, we have the myth that rising house prices are a kind of saving or investment and should be treated as favourably as cash savings. They are not a kind of saving at all, they are merely a measure of how much wealth is being transferred from one group to another (see 5b.), best case, they purely paper capital gains and not real wealth at all. The interests of cash savers (to the extent that cash on deposit represents real savings on a macro-level, even if they are savings at individual or micro-level) and land-owners, particularly the highly leveraged speculators, which includes a lot of owner-occupiers are diametrically opposed and current government policies (low interest rates and corresponding high inflation) clearly favour the interests of those sitting on paper gains and are a kick in the teeth for those who have always lived within their means and put some money away.
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Right, that's enough to be getting on with, time for a coffee and cigarette in the back garden before the sun goes down.

Sunday, 29 January 2012

Why the Building Society funding model is the best kind of corporate structure.

1. I have mused on this topic before, see e.g. Inefficient Markets Hypothesis, The multi-billion Chinese investment in Thames Water was no such thing and Beyond The Corporation, part 1, part 2.

2. Please note, I am not talking about the respective merits of banks or building societies, this is about having a system which has the benefits of public limited companies without the drawbacks and applies to all types of businesses (not just banks/building societies).

3. It is claimed that the big benefit of being able to switch your investments between different types of business, by selling shares in one and buying shares in another is that this leads to an efficient allocation of capital. If you do it properly and you are lucky, then yes, this leads to an efficient allocation of your own money, but there is a complete disconnect between what you are investing in (the shares) and the real underlying investment in productive capital (which is carried out by the companies whose shares are bought and sold). So whatever signals the secondary market in shares is sending, there is little or no link between that and what businesses are actually doing.

4. People are unfamiliar with Limited Liability Partnerships (which are a far better corporate structure than a limited company for small and medium sized businesses), so let's talk about how things would work on the scale of large plc's if their share capital/reserves side were structured in the same way as building societies. In other words, instead of a company having assets of (say) £1 million and share/capital reserves with a balance sheet value of £1 million, but whose shares might be worth a multiple of that, the company would just have 'members' deposits' with a balance sheet value of £1 million.

5. The gimmick being, that you cannot 'sell your shares' in a building society to a third party on the secondary market, if you want your money, you just withdraw it and somebody else invests in your place. Unlike with companies limited by shares, there is no distinction between the 'primary market', i.e. shares being issued (where an investor gives the company cash for shares) and the 'secondary market' where the first investor sells those shares to a third party, who can sell them on to a fourth etc.

6. If quoted plc's were like building societies, then at the end of every profit period (a year, a month, a quarter, it does not matter), the company would draw up a new balance sheet and allocate the increase in value (the profit) pro rata to all members' deposits, instead of paying out part of the profits as dividends on shares.

7. At any time, some members will want to withdraw some of their profits or their deposits and others will want to invest in that business, so the company will end up running simplified deposit accounts for all members (which is perfectly do-able - banks and building societies manage). The company might have to limit the amount which members can withdraw or limit the amount of new deposits which it can accept, so there might have to be some sort of waiting list approach or a cap on withdrawals/new investments. Withdrawals and new investments are to a large extent equal and opposite, so if a company accepts cash deposits it doesn't really need it will have spare cash to repay those who want to cash in immediately - which is how it works with banks and building societies.

8. So this would save investors the bother of doing two quite separate analyses: the first being an analysis of the health of the underlying business and the second being an analysis of how the share price is doing and what future dividend payouts are likely to be. Instead, you would just look at the list of public traded companies in the financial pages, and for each one it would say:
- what the profit share in the last profit period was as a percentage of deposits (the higher the better as far as investors are concerned;
- how long the waiting list is to invest in that company (if there is one), and
- whether there is a restriction on withdrawals, i.e. because the company is making losses, because it plans to expand in future and/or because not enough new investors want to put their money in.

9. To make a comparison between the two:

- Let's say that a quoted plc started the year with total assets £1 million, made profits of £200,000 (so now has £1.2 million total assets) and intends to pay out £120,000 as dividends (keeping £80,000 for future expansion). Dividend yields are currently 4%, so all things being equal, the shares in that company are worth £3 million. £1.2 million of that £3 million is real wealth (the real net assets of the business) and £1.8 million is pure speculative value; it's a nice capital gain for the original investors but a potential capital loss for future investors.

- Using the building society funding model, the total assets are also £1.2 million, and 20% is added to members deposits b/f of £1 million, and the directors announce that members may withdraw up to a tenth of the face value of their deposits (i.e. up to £120,000). If the directors know that there is a long waiting list of potential new investors, then the one-tenth figure will be increased of course, that's just details.

10. The two big advantages of the building society funding model are:

- There is no speculative capital gain to be made - either you are happy leaving your money with this business and earning 20% a year in profit share (or interest) or you want to withdraw your money, either to spend it or because you want to invest it in a different company which pays 25%, or which pays less than that but which has a safer business. Now, some people will bemoan this, but one man's capital gain is just another man's capital loss. If you are lucky to get into a successful company right from the word go, then you can sit back and be paid your 20% return each year, withdrawing or reinvesting it as you please, which is a better way of doing things that sitting there waiting for the right moment to sell your shares (i.e. just before the share price collapses).

- Instead of focusing on things not directly related to the actual business (like the share price or the dividend yield), investors will just look at how profitable businesses actually are, i.e. how much interest they pay on deposits. So profitable businesses will find it easy to attract new investment and the directors of not-so-profitable businesses will have to up their game to prevent members wanting to withdraw everything (like a 'bank run', only this would be a 'company run'). In extremis of course, the members would sack the management and either install a new one or just sell off all the assets, shut the company down and take their cash elsewhere. For the investors, this will be a lot less risky than with a plc, because they won't have paid £3 million for their shares, they will not have paid more than £1.2 million (using the same figures as above).