Killer Arguments Against LVT, Not (163)

I cheerfully admit that simply pointing out that 'land is different' is not in itself a definitive argument in favour of taxing land values (and a few narrow classes of other government-protected monopoly rights) rather than anything else, because there are those who say that merely because something works in practice does not prove that it works in theory. But the reverse logic that 'land is an asset like anything else and therefore if you are going to tax land you have to tax everything' simply does not wash. For example:

Roger Helmer at ConHome: "Fifth, if we can tax mansions, what about other property? Cars? Racehorses? Pension funds? ISAs? Where do we stop?"

Or IanB in the comments here recently: "Look Mark, the whole economy is about allocation of scarce resources. Anything that isn't scarce ends up being free because supply is infinite. This whole "land is scarce but other products aren't so land is different" thing is inept reasoning, and if you are honest you have to use the same reasoning to conclude that anyone owning a scarce resource-which is just about everything from cheese to chalk- is a "monopolist" making unjust profits."

This notion that land is like any other asset or that rental income (cash or non-cash) is like any other source of income is quite clearly hokum. Let's start with 'cheese', but we can do the same exercise for cars, racehorses, pension funds or chalk if you really want:

1. As the economy grows, the price of basics/manufactured items tends to fall relative to wages (because we are more efficient or more productive) but land values rise relative to wages. 



2. This is mathematically true and verifiable - when the Mini was first made, it was sold for £500 and a house cost £2,000. Nowadays you can buy a small car that's far better than a Mini was then for £7,000. You cannot buy a house for £28,000 today (or only in the most depressed parts of the UK).

3. If there were some horrible situation, like pestilence, or war, or all our young people emigrating abroad, then cheese prices (in the UK) would rise and house prices would fall. 



4. There are no NIMBY restrictions on how much cheese can be produced; there are not even any practical or economic restrictions (or if there are, we are nowhere near those upper limits).

5. A piece of cheese has inherent value. A piece of land has no inherent value, it is just mud and stones. Its value depends entirely on where it is. Cheese with planning permission is not worth a hundred times as much as cheese without planning permission. The value of cheese or chalk does not change depending on where it is. A piece of cheese in Newcastle is worth the same as piece in Mayfair.

6. The only instance where cheese behaves a little bit like land is where the producer can exclude other suppliers from the market. The price of a cheese sandwich in the supermarket is £1.50, but on a train you are a captive audience, there are no competitors and they can charge you £3, take it or leave it (what I refer to as 'embedded rent'). 



7. If one man wants a piece of cheese he places no burden on others who also want one. If there were no demand for cheese, it would not be made in the first place. Not only is the amount of physical land fairly fixed, it does not need to be manufactured, it is just there. There is a natural tendency for people to want to live in urban areas (more jobs, more amenities); there are centripetal forces, which drive land values in urban areas ever higher.

8. Supply of cheese rises to meet demand. In demanding cheese, I am creating employment opportunities for cheese makers and retailers. If demand for cheese goes up, then that does not push up the price, it creates even more jobs.


9. Cheese producers and suppliers are fairly competitive and do not make super-profits. Demand for cheese is what it is, and as long as the price offered is more than the cost of producing and selling it, it will be produced and sold.

10. Land rents quite clearly reflect landowners’ monopoly power (or their share of the cartel’s monopoly power). A cheese factory in the middle of prime Surrey commuter-belt will be no more profitable than one outside Swansea (because they compete with each other), but land in Surrey commuter-belt will always command a much higher price than on the outskirts of Swansea. Two landowners in different parts of the country do no compete with each other, and two landowners of neighbouring plots do not compete either – they are members of the same mini-cartel.

11. Do cheese prices increase when interest rates fall and vice versa? Does the price of cheese depend largely on credit conditions?

12. Is there an eighteen-year credit-driven boom-bust cycle in the price of cheese, which always ends up with a financial crisis and a recession?

13. The supply of cheese rises to meet demand and prices stay stable (or might even fall because of economies of scale). If demand for land goes up, the full benefit of that increased demand accrues to land owners as supply of land in desirable locations is fixed.

14. Does The Daily Mail celebrate when the price of cheese goes up? 



15. Do countries fight wars over cheese? Did the Normans invade us or did we invade North America to secure cheese supplies or did they/we just announce that the land belonged to them/us? 
For sure, countries fight wars over natural resources, such as water or oil, and in olden times may have fought over valuable agricultural land (needed to make cheese) but that is secondary.

16. A tax on cheese is shared between supplier and consumer, leads to a fall in cheese output/consumption, destroys businesses and jobs, makes us all poorer. The tax leads to evasion and smuggling and thus pushes up the tax rate on everything else to compensate.

17. A tax on land-location values does not affect the amount of desirable locations. It is paid by the occupant and born by the owner but cannot be passed on in higher prices, so it does not reduce output or increase prices one iota.

18. This is evidenced by the fact that the retail price of consumer goods is much the same all round the country, even though the Business Rates payable by shops in desirable city centres is a vast multiple of that paid shops in less desirable locations.

19. If all businessmen and workers decided that their income was taxed too heavily and went on strike to avoid earning money and thus having to pay tax, the country would grind to a halt. If all landowners decided that their rental income (non-cash rental income in the case of owner-occupiers) was taxed too heavily and decided to abandon their land and stop collecting rents, then the government would acquire the land by legal default and it could rent it all back to us and would have far more revenues than it could ever raise in income tax etc.

20. Ownership of land tends to become concentrated in fewer and fewer hands over time - look at the USA, they started off with everybody owning a smallholding and where are they now? Land ownership is almost as concentrated as it is in the UK. This is precisely because land ownership is so lightly taxed. Taxes on cheese are not particularly high, as it happens, so let’s look at taxes on motor vehicles. In the UK, they are very high indeed, about £50 billion year (mainly on road usage, i.e. fuel duty) on vehicles worth maybe £300 billion. As a result, people drive smaller cars or drive fewer miles than they otherwise would do, roads are used more efficiently and there is, unsurprisingly, a much wider spread of car-ownership than there is of home-ownership.

21. There is no 'community' input into the value of a piece of cheese - the cheese is made by a small group of individuals (farmer, factory, supermarket). There is a producer surplus (profit) and a consumer surplus.

22. To make money from cheese, you can't just make one piece – or buy one piece - and then sit back and collect rent for the rest of your life, you have to make and sell more cheese every day. A piece of cheese deteriorates and goes off, it does not slowly increase in value. It needs to be stored and looked after. Cows and machinery and lorries and fridges have to be regularly used and maintained at huge cost to remain profitable.

23. This is quite unlike bare land, which can increase in value enormously without the owner lifting a finger, all he needs is a register in HM Land Registry, a legal system prepared to evict squatters, an exemption from Business Rates or Council Tax and for the economy to grow or the amenities provided around his site to improve and he earns money in his sleep.

24. A tax on land values tends to depress buying and selling prices without affecting gross rents, thus dampens the boom-bust cycle without discouraging new development. See Business Rates, which is the closest thing we have to LVT, see also the fact that house prices were low and stable between 1950 (once the supply shortage caused by bombing in WW2 had been overcome) and the late 1960s, a period in which we had Domestic Rates and Schedule A tax (which between them amount to crude forms of Land Value Tax). High taxes on incomes, profits and output certainly do no dampen the boom-bust cycle, and if anything greatly worsen the impact of the bust/recession periods.