Roger Thornhill trotted out one of the usual arguments against replacing the current welfare system with a Citizen's Income-style (CI) system here with this:
"You are creating a system to attract more fraud and you do not recognise it even when it is pointed out to you."
Now, preventing fraud is something I care a lot about, so let's imagine we had a dead simple CI system as follows:
* All welfare payments and poverty-alleviating measures embedded in the tax system (tax-free personal allowance and tax breaks for pensions) to be replaced with a flat-rate Child Benefit of £30 per week (for the first three children per mother); a flat rate cash payment to working age adults of £60 (or whatever current Income Support rate is) and a Citizen's Pension of £130 for everybody aged 65 or over;
* Of course, to minimise 'churn', people in steady jobs would be able to commute their CI to a tax-free personal allowance of about £11,500, that's just details.
* Entitlement is conditional on being resident in this country and having been resident for at least ten years and having British citizenship;
* Housing Benefit and Council Tax benefit to be scrapped, and social tenants with low or fluctuating incomes to be given a K-code for PAYE (which means they overpay rent when they are working and underpay when they aren't).
Let's look at some real life examples of "benefit fraud" from John Page's excellent scrapbook 'blog, taking the last ten at random:
Examples One and Two. Ms Gill overclaimed Housing & Council Tax Benefit (HB & CTB), despite having £20,000 in savings. Mr Abdow claimed HB but did not declare the Tax Credits he was getting; if he had declared them, he would not have been entitled to HB.
The CI would not be means tested, and certainly not asset-based means-tested, so Ms Gill simply would not have committed an offence. Mr Abdow, assuming he passed the ten-year residence test, would not have been getting Tax Credits, he would have been getting the CI (plus CI for his wife and first three children, if appropriate) and nothing else.
In either case, if they were living in social housing and had income subject to PAYE, they would have been paying an extra 19% towards their notional rent/Council Tax anyway. And if they were living in privately rented accommodation, they would have been getting nothing.
Example Three, The Daily Mail points out that for some young women, it makes good economic sense to have lots of babies, claim to be single and go on benefits.
Under CI, young women would be entitled to CI whether they have babies or not. The £30 extra for each of the first three children per mother does not cover the full 'cost' of having a child and is not intended to do so, ergo, there would be no financial incentive to having children. Similarly, CI would be paid out at the same rate whether they are single, co-habiting or married. There would be no incentive to lie about marital status because the question would simply never be asked.
Example Four: Ms Lorton was claiming benefits while working cash-in-hand and pretended to be living alone when she was actually living with her husband.
With a CI, you get it whether you are working or not - in fact CI is supposed to encourage people to work while claiming. Sure, it would still be possible to evade PAYE or income tax by working cash in hand, but the incentive to do so would be reduced - you'd lose the income tax but not the weekly benefit payment. Don't forget that for an employer, the incentive to pay cash-in-hand is that he doesn't have to bother with PAYE, but the flipside is, he gets no corporate tax deduction. With a flat rate of income tax/corporation tax, that incentive wouldn't exist.
As to 'pretended to be living alone' see Example Three. It's not up to The State to use taxpayer's money to encourage people to get married, but it sure as heck isn't up to The State to use taxpayer's money to discourage it.
Example Five. The Daily Mail reports on people who move abroad and continue to claim benefits.
As I said, the CI would only be payable to people who actually live here. It can't be too difficult to keep tabs on those most likely to sign on and then move abroad again (to the extent that they'd been here long enough to qualify in the first place). Sure, even under CI there will be overpayments, but they will be a lot less (and the total amounts that The Mail mentions don't seem horrendously big anyway).
Example Six: The Daily Express writes that Yvette Cooper announced plans to cap rents paid to private landlords of up to £1,800 a week to prevent claimants living in palatial homes on benefits.
Like I said, just scrap HB for tenants of private landlords (or introduce a much lower cap and then keep reducing that cap until it is £nil), as a result of which rents in the private sector will drop. There will still be some people who won't be able to afford to rent privately, so councils can just build more social housing. Those that earn enough to pay the full rent just pay it in cash, and those with low or fluctuating incomes get given a K-code for PAYE (so they end up paying the lower of (a) an extra 19% of their earned income or (b) the full rent).
Example Seven: Ms Stone legitimately claimed money as a jobless single mother but failed to declare changes in her life such as her marriage to security guard David and her occasional work.
See Example Three above.
Example Eight: An asylum seeker who funded a lavish lifestyle after claiming more than £30,000 in Government cash has been jailed for fraud.
Did he have British citizenship and had he been here for at least ten years? Nope. Next.
Example Nine: Ms Mogford had been legitimately claiming benefits but the circumstances changed when her partner Robert Brierley moved in with her. She still claimed she was living alone when she was interviewed after an allegation was made against her.
Why did she lie? Because she would have lost her single-person benefits and would have lost her HB and CTB if she had told the council her boyfriend had moved in. Presumably he was working, so HB and CTB for the couple would have been means-tested down to nothing.
You'd get the same CI whether you are single, cohabiting, married, sharing a flat or living in a commune (see above ad nauseam).
If she was renting privately, she wouldn't have been getting HB or CTB anyway; and if she was in a council flat for one person, is it so terrible for her boyfriend to move in on the quiet? Isn't that just efficient use of housing? If that was a bit cramped and if they had put themselves on the queue for a two-person flat, then of course both of them would have been given K-codes, so at least the couple between them would have been paying something towards the cost of housing them.
Example Ten: this one is really murky. Apart from sitting driving tests on behalf of other people, Mr Akhtar lived in his Bolton Street address - which he claimed to be renting from a family member while unemployed - when in fact no rent was paid and he was employed as a company owner and director.
I don't have a clever solution to the driving licence thing - but if photo licences were issued on the spot, this would make them harder to sell, as you can only sell them to people who look like you. Again, he wouldn't have been entitled to HB for rent he wasn't paying privately (because he wouldn't have been entitled, full stop, whether he was paying it or not). And, as I have said above, the whole point of CI is that you are supposed to work while claiming, it doesn't make any difference. This chap was probably involved in massive tax-evasion as well, but that is a different topic.
To sum up, when somebody bleats about CI being an new opportunity for fraud, can we perhaps first look at all the real-life frauds that wouldn't be possible and minus those off from the amount of fraud that would happen under Ci (and yes there would be some, I'm not totally naive or anything).
Interestingly, there are very few examples where people claim for an entirely fictitious identity, which would be just about the only way of defrauding a CI system. This is something that is relatively easy to police - everybody has to live somewhere, and if more than two or three adults are claiming to be living at the same address, that ought to set alarm bells ringing. Further, the CI would be paid into bank accounts, and the banks have their own rules to prevent identity fraud, thus making CI-fraud all the more difficult.
Forbidden Bible Verses — Genesis 43:24-34
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18 comments:
Mark
Citizen's Pension of £130 for everybody aged 65 or over...
* Housing Benefit and Council Tax benefit to be scrapped,
The above will lead to destitution and poverty and certainly not get the grey vote.
The citizen's pension will barely cover rent - if at all. Think about people heading for retirement age who do not own a home and are not council tenants.
What will they do?
Renter, if you want to get into detail, what this means is that
(a) existing entitlement to BSP + S2P will continue, but no there'll be no further acrruals,
(b) instead of the Pensions Credit being means tested, you'll be entitled to the higher of £130 and whatever the result from (a is).
As to OAPs who don't own a home, how about we just build more social housing and let them live there for a nominal rent (inclusive of council tax)? Have I not mentioned often enough that we ought to build more social housing?
PS, the £130 is per person.
As to the metaphorical little old lady living in a mansion, if she hasn't saved enough extra to pay the Council Tax (or whatever we replace it with) then she'll have to trade down, or move into one of the newly built council flats.
The trouble with the CBI is that is is distributive from poor to rich. It takes cash that would be spent on the poorest in society and gives it to those who are doing OK.
Now the thinking behind it is good - it attempts to get rid of the classic means tested benefits trap, and introduce positive incentives for self reliance, work and saving.
If one were starting a benefit system from nothing, a CBI would work, because the population would be used to fending for themselves anyway.
But we are not in such a position. We have a benefit system that is highly distributive from those in work to those not in work, for whatever reason. It is a very bad system, it has massive internal contradictions, it encourages bad behaviour etc etc.
BUT we do not have people starving, living in abject squalor because they are not capable of managing their own lives.
That is the trade off. You can have the current crap system, that at least keeps the streets clean of bodies, or you can have the very cut and dried CBI system, which would work fine for perhaps 80% of the population, and leave the other 20% effectively destitute. You can't have some middle ground, because the moment you introduce special cases to CBI you end up back at square one - having to decide who qualifies for the extra help, rules, regulations, selection panels etc etc, the whole 'hard cases making bad law' scenario.
The ideological and practical distance between the two ideas is so vast that I fail to see how the former could ever be mutated into the second, without massive social upheaval.
My personal preference is for the time limited benefit system. I think it is legitimate for society to say 'We will support you for X years of your working life, but after that you're on your own'. This has the advantage of not needing a 'Big Bang' introduction - nothing would change practically if a (say) 5 year limit was introduced tomorrow. But peoples attitudes and actions would change, especially as they approached their personal deadline.
S, how on earth is it distributive from poor to rich?
I have enough trouble defending myself against people who say that it's redistribution from rich to poor (which it would be to some extent), but the other way round..?
As to time limiting, why? It's a universal benefit like the right to vote or the right to call a policeman or the right to use a public library. Would you time limit those?
Further, for most people it's a straight swap for the tax-free personal allowance, child benefit or old age pension. Would you time limit any of those?
In particular, it's the feminist and pragmatic version of a transferable personal allowance for non-working mums. If we had transferable personal allowances for non-working mums, would you time limit those?
And if you drew up an arbitrary list of benefits that were time limited and those which weren't, then you know perfectly well that people would just claim for five years (or whatever) and then look for a job.
Why not have a flat-rate universal benefit which doesn't discourage people from looking from a job today, rather than waiting for five years?
sobers, if time limited benefits would force peoples attitudes and actions to change, so would a CBI. One could have a period of transition over a couple of years for those on benefits, similar to what Mark said for state pensions.
Its distributive from poor to rich if you go from the status quo now to a CBI. Because a person currently getting the full panoply of benefits (such as my aquaintance who gets a house provided effectively rent free, council tax paid, and cash in his pocket to live on) will be reduced to £60/week and no free house, whereas I (who paid enough tax to pay all his benefits) will get an extra £60/week to spend as I see fit.
To my mind thats taking money from him, and giving it to me, or people like me. Regardless of whether or not he deserves his array of benefits, that seems somewhat harsh.
S: I understand from your comment above that you think that 20% of the population are not capable of managing their own lives. Unless you include children, which would be disingenuous, that appears to indicate that there are people "incapable of managing their own lives" who are currently in gainful employment, which sounds strange, to say the least.
Wonder why he calls himself Tim Carpenter and why he has to be in her?
"when her partner Robert Brierley moved in with her in her."
Could he just move in with her or does he have to be in her at the time? I ask for mere clarification.
@ Bayard: the 20% was a figure picked out of the air. I just feel there is a significant number of adult UK inhabitants that would not be able to manage under the CBI system, what that % is I could not accurately say. But it would be enough to be a significant social problem, of that I'm sure.
Lying behind all your proposals are massive presumptions about how the changes you propose will affect behaviour and, in particular, land usage.
If I might say so you seem to be obsessed about people making a profit from land/house ownership.
"just scrap HB for tenants of private landlords ... as a result of which rents in the private sector will drop. There will still be some people who won't be able to afford to rent privately, so councils can just build more social housing."
The first result will not be rents dropping, it will be hundreds of thousands of people being evicted for non payment of rent. Eviction rates will be highest in the areas of greatest demand, London being the obvious top of the list. What are your plans for housing them pending the building of new council houses with money councils don't have?
"there will be still be some who won't be able to afford to rent privately" ... what does "still" mean? If you reduce the means of people to pay their contractual rent there is nothing "still" about it, there will be huge numbers unable to pay for their housing.
And why abolish HB for tenants of private landlords but not for tenants of the State?
And how will people on benefits be able to afford the rent of the new council houses when they just get a flat-rate benefit with no specific costs of housing included? How will the rents be set? To recover the build costs and costs of maintenance or to reflect the income of potential tenants? If the latter, will that mean "social" housing will be a bottomless pit of expense like every other government project?
@S: I suspect that a fair proportion of the infantilised would find that they are able to grow up (again), like teenagers setting up on their own after having spent their whole life being looked after by their mothers. As for those incapable of doing so, such as the person with mental health problems you cited, there would have to be some sort of accommodation provided by the state under the NHS, such as what we were promised by the Tories when they sold off all the Asylums and never got.
I don't think that the truly incapable are a massive number and obviously, such a huge change in welfare would have to be phased in, it can't be introduced slap bang. Oh, the longing of the politician for the "quick fix".
@TFB Obviously this policy would have to be phased in. The social housing could be built before the HB for private tenants was scrapped. IIRC HB for private tenants was only introduced to alleviate the politically-induced shortage of social housing in the first place. If you'd ever been a landlord in receipt of housing benefit (yes, it's paid straight to the landlord) you would know that you always charge more rent to such tenants, a) because your insurance is more expensive and b) because the council are quite happy to pay it, so you'd be a fool not to. As to how the new social tenants would be able to afford their rents, if you read all the posts on this subject, you will see that Mark has explained this twice already.
Ed, exactly.
S, if you mean "not quite as redistributive as" then you might be correct. As ever, I will repeat: I chose £60 a week because that is approx. what income support is now. Some people might think that £80 is more appropriate, others will prefer £40.
JH, I have amended.
B, thanks for covering fire.
TFB, you are way off piste.
a) You can invent as many 'transitional' rules as you like - as Bayard says.
b) Especially as regards Housing Benefit. In Year 1 you could cap claims at £250 per household and then announce that the cap will go down to £nil over a five year period so that everybody has fair warning.
c) It is far cheaper for the taxpayer to build social housing than it is to pay rents to private landlords. It is an outrageous subsidy.
d) "And why abolish HB for tenants of private landlords but not for tenants of the State?"
It's a free world. Private landlords can charge as much or as little rent as they wish. Local councils can also charge as much or as little rent as they wish.
What objection can there be to capping social rents at 19% of somebody's income (via a K-code)?
e) "how will people on benefits be able to afford the rent of the new council houses when they just get a flat-rate benefit with no specific costs of housing included?"
I repeat: social rents will be collected via PAYE. If somebody has no earnings then by definition he pays nothing. (Sure, some tenants will be able to afford the headline rent, so they can pay it in cash if they like and just have a normal PAYE code).
e) "How will the rents be set? "
The council can set the headline rent any old way it likes, but for people with low or fluctuating incomes will be given a K-code for PAYE (I take it you know what a K code is) which means that they pay an extra 19% of their wage in PAYE.
So if you have no income, you pay nothing, by definition, the same as now.
f) "If [rents are set according to income] will that mean "social" housing will be a bottomless pit of expense like every other government project?"
Net rents and council tax actually paid in the social sector (after deducting HB and CTB) average out at about £30 a week per household, which is just about enough to cover running costs. (And even if the taxpayer contributes £1,000 per household per year to the cost, is that not better than paying £10,000 a year to a private landlord?)
Council Housing is, at present, more or less cost-free to the taxpayer.
It is quite possible that the average actual rent paid would go up under my system, because instead of a tenant facing a marginal tax rate of 95.5% he would have a marginal tax rate of 50%.
So at the moment, with two-thirds of tenants, the council is getting 0% of nothing. under my proposals the council would be getting 19% of something.
Mark.
Fair enough.
Mark,
I will get back to your post later, but you (again?) break fundamental nettiquette about names and aliases. You are a person not to be trusted.
There is a very good reason I post here thus, because the LPUK policy is not set in this regard and I do not seek to represent the party when speaking here on this issue. What is certain though is that I am not decided on the issue and open to workable solutions. IIRC I have seen better presented and laid out financials than I have seen here (albeit still with understandable flaws that are no shame to that author).
Very very immature and bad form, Mark.
Rog, I didn't realise it was a big secret so I have deleted that bit. In my defence, you are stupendously aggressive and rude and have so far not given us any insights into how we could make our welfare policy even better.
For example, please post a link to other ideas if there are even better ones out there (there may well be, although it is unlikely).
"I have enough trouble defending myself against people who say that it's redistribution from rich to poor"
Well, yes, you would. You're taking money from people who work and giving it to people who don't, so unless you're claiming that people who work are worse off than people who don't, prior to any redistribution, that's exactly what it is.
If "Council Housing is, at present, more or less cost-free to the taxpayer", why does my local authority include it as one of the "services provided by the council" that council tax is used to pay for?
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